Theresa May spoke about the importance of an international rules-based system, free markets and fair societies.
My Lord Mayor, My Late Lord Mayor, Your Grace, My Lord Chancellor,
Your Excellencies, My Lords, Aldermen, Sheriffs, Chief Commoner, ladies
and gentlemen.
As we meet here tonight, we are approaching a defining moment in the history of our nation and our place in the world.
There will be ups and downs along the way. But I believe we should embrace this period with confidence and optimism.
Not grounded in some article of faith, but with a clear understanding of our strengths as a nation.
We are the fifth biggest economy in the world, the fifth largest
exporter in the world and the top destination for inward investment in
Europe. We have the second largest defence budget in NATO.
We are one of the only countries to deliver our promise to spend 0.7%
of Gross National Income on international development. We have the
extraordinary reach of our global brands from the Premier League to the
BBC World Service; the thought leadership of our outstanding
universities, the global finance of this great City of London – and the
best of British business in demand the world over.
And perhaps above all we have that defining British spirit - and the
fundamental values of fairness, justice and human rights - to use our
influence in the world for good.
And these same capabilities and values that we bring to the task of
leaving the European Union, we will also bring to the wider challenges
facing the world today.
For we meet here at a moment when the international order as we know
it - the rules based system that the United Kingdom helped to pioneer in
the aftermath of the Second World War – is in danger of being eroded.
A moment when some states are actively destabilising the world order
to their own ends, claiming that the rules and standards we have built,
and the values on which they rest, no longer apply.
When regional instability is driving cross-border threats such as
Islamist extremism and fuelling conflicts to which many ask whether the
rules based order has an answer.
A moment when the failure to translate the success of global trade
into growth that benefits everyone is weakening support for the free
markets and open economies that have driven global prosperity for
generations.
And when the rules of the game for this century are increasingly being shaped by emerging economies and powerhouses in the East.
So as we reach out into the world and write this new chapter in our national history, the task of a global Britain is clear.
To defend the rules based international order against irresponsible states that seek to erode it.
To support our partners in regions of instability in repelling the
threats they face and to back their vision for societies and economies
that will prosper in the future and play a positive role in the world.
To harness for a new generation the dynamism of open economies to
deliver fair and equitable growth. And in doing so to build a new
consensus in support of free markets and fair societies that may be the
greatest long-term defence against division, tension and conflict.
These are the issues I want to address tonight: how government and
business working together can secure the future prosperity and security
of our nation - and play our part in doing so for the world at large.
Defending the global system
Our starting point must be to strengthen the commitment, purpose and
unity of those allies and partners with whom we have built this order.
Central to this must be the enduring strength of our transatlantic partnership and our relationships with our European allies.
The role of the United States in shaping the global order is as vital now as it has ever been.
Of course we will not always agree on each and every course of
action. But underpinning this relationship is an alliance of values and
interests between our peoples which has been a force for good in the
world for generations – and must continue to be so.
The same is true of our relations with our European partners as we
leave the EU. For we remain a European nation – our history marked by
shared experience, our societies shaped by common values, our economies
interdependent, and our security indivisible.
As I said in my speech in Florence, the UK will remain unconditionally committed to maintaining Europe’s security.
And the comprehensive new economic partnership we seek will underpin
our shared commitment to open economies and free societies in the face
of those who seek to undermine them.
Chief among those today, of course, is Russia.
In a recent speech President Putin said that while the interests of
states do not always coincide, strategic gains cannot be made at the
expense of others. When a state fails to observe universal rules of
conduct and pursues its interests at any cost, it will provoke
resistance and disputes will become unpredictable and dangerous.
I say to President Putin, I agree. But it is Russia’s actions which threaten the international order on which we all depend.
I want to be clear about the scale and nature of these actions.
Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea was the first time since the
Second World War that one sovereign nation has forcibly taken territory
from another in Europe. Since then, Russia has fomented conflict in the
Donbas, repeatedly violated the national airspace of several European
countries, and mounted a sustained campaign of cyber espionage and
disruption. This has included meddling in elections, and hacking the
Danish Ministry of Defence and the Bundestag, among many others.
It is seeking to weaponise information. Deploying its state-run media
organisations to plant fake stories and photo-shopped images in an
attempt to sow discord in the West and undermine our institutions.
So I have a very simple message for Russia.
We know what you are doing. And you will not succeed. Because you
underestimate the resilience of our democracies, the enduring attraction
of free and open societies, and the commitment of Western nations to
the alliances that bind us.
The UK will do what is necessary to protect ourselves, and work with our allies to do likewise.
That is why we are driving reform of NATO so this vital alliance is
better able to deter and counter hostile Russian activity. It is why we
have stepped up our military and economic support to Ukraine.
It is why we are strengthening our cyber security and looking at how
we tighten our financial regimes to ensure the profits of corruption
cannot flow from Russia into the UK.
So we will take the necessary actions to counter Russian activity.
But this is not where we want to be – and not the relationship with
Russia we want.
We do not want to return to the Cold War, or to be in a state of perpetual confrontation.
So whilst we must beware, we also want to engage – which is why in
the coming months the Foreign Secretary will be visiting Moscow.
For there is another way.
Many of us here looked at a post-Soviet Russia with hope.
Because we know that a strong and prosperous Russia which plays by
the rules would be in the interests of the United Kingdom, Europe and
the world.
As a Permanent Member of the UN Security Council, Russia has the
reach and the responsibility to play a vital role in promoting
international stability.
Russia can, and I hope one day will, choose this different path.
But for as long as Russia does not, we will act together to protect
our interests and the international order on which they depend.
Addressing regional instability
But the international order on which we depend faces other threats,
including the challenge of regions where it is the absence of strong
states that allows instability and conflict to threaten the global
order.
And nowhere is this clearer than in the Middle East.
We see the spillover effects of this instability in the challenge of
mass migration and humanitarian crises in countries like Yemen.
And we see it most starkly of all with the threat from Daesh and Islamist terrorism.
Britain is at the forefront of international efforts in the fight
against this terrorism - from the battlefields in Syria and Iraq to
tackling the ideologues who fuel the hatred of Islamist extremism. And
we will defeat it.
But the conflicts we see in the Middle East are rooted in a complex
mix of economics, demographics, history and sectarian tension.
In the past we have sought to remake countries or even entire regions
at great cost to their people and ultimately to our own willingness to
intervene when necessary.
Of course we must never be paralysed by the myth that armed
intervention is doomed to fail. And the UK is not and will not be afraid
to deploy its hard power where necessary.
Indeed this is happening around the world as I speak. From our world
leading covert agencies to over a thousand troops deployed in Iraq and
Afghanistan, to our Royal Air Force operating in the skies over Syria
and Iraq, and our Royal Navy patrolling the waters of the Gulf.
But as we look to the future it is the strength and stability of our partners that will define the trajectory of the region.
So if we are to achieve enduring stability in the Middle East, we
must make an offer which supports both the long-term security and
prosperity of our key partners, and encourages them to be champions of
the global order.
As we are doing in countries from Saudi Arabia to Jordan, we will
provide support to help them defend and protect their borders and their
cities from external aggression – from terrorists to Iranian-backed
proxies.
We will step up our efforts - together with our European and American
allies - to help them not just contain, but solve conflicts in the
region. From seeking political solutions in Yemen and Libya, to
bolstering a united Iraq and working towards a two-state solution in the
Middle East Peace Process.
As part of this, while we will stand firm in our support for the Iran
nuclear deal, we are also determined to counter destabilising Iranian
actions in the region and their ballistic missile proliferation, working
with the US, France and Germany in particular.
And drawing on the full capability of government and private sector,
we make a long-term commitment to work with our partners as they seek to
reform their own economies: from Jordan as it deals with the challenge
of refugees from Syria, and which I will be visiting again later this
month, to countries across the Gulf undertaking social and economic
transformation. For these reforms can present far-reaching opportunities
for the people of the region and the wider world.
As part of these efforts, we will champion steps towards greater
rights and openness – insistent on the direction of travel, working with
our partners in the region and recognising that each country must find
its own path.
And this credible and coherent offer of support and partnership is a
matter of urgency. As we see with the events of the last few weeks, from
Lebanon to the GCC dispute, our partners see the threats they face as
immediate and are straining for the means to tackle them.
So it is in all of our interests to get this right: to bring
long-term, long-sought stability to the Middle East, ensure these
growing economies can play their full role in the global system, and
reinforce a rules-based international order.
Ensuring free markets work for everyone
And at the same time as dealing with threats to the global order from
state and regional instability, we must also step up to the challenge
of ensuring that free markets and open economies deliver fair and
equitable growth for all.
As I argued at this Banquet last year, free market economies have
delivered unprecedented levels of wealth and opportunity. But they are
losing popular support because they are leaving far too many people
behind.
The answer cannot be to turn our backs on the free market economy
which – with the right rules and behaviours – is the greatest agent of
collective human progress ever created.
For it is when countries make the transition from closed, restricted,
centrally-planned economies to open, free market policies that we see
life expectancy rise and infant mortality fall, incomes rise and poverty
fall, access to education rise and illiteracy fall.
Indeed it is open, free market economies which are the only
sustainable means of increasing the living standards of everyone in a
country.
So our challenge is to ensure that is exactly what they do.
That is why, here in Britain, we are building a modern industrial
strategy that will help to bring the benefits of our trade to every part
of our country.
It is why we will act as a voice for free trade at the WTO. And also
continue our efforts - including as I set out this year at the G20 - to
reform the international trading system to ensure that trade is not just
free but fair: fair between countries and fair for the poorest
countries.
But as we all know global economic growth is increasingly being driven by emerging economies and powerhouses in the East.
And Africa’s population growth means its significance will also only increase in the decades ahead.
So the West cannot write the rules of this century on its own. It is
our partnership with the countries of Asia and Africa in particular that
will define the course the world takes.
That is why I have asked the new International Development Secretary
to build on the work of her predecessor by making one of her first
priorities a review of how the whole of government, together with the
private sector, can best support African aspirations for trade and
growth.
It is why we will use our relationships with the Commonwealth, and
the Summit here next year, to work with partners in Africa, Asia and
beyond in building consensus and taking practical steps towards a global
economy that works for everyone.
And it is why I am also clear that we will continue to increase our investment in Asia.
I am committed to maintaining the Golden Era of our relationship with
China – not just as a vital trading partner but also as a fellow
permanent member of the Security Council whose decisions together with
ours will shape the world around us.
And I am committed to deepening our partnerships with countries
across Asia, where I believe that Britain’s global offer can have a
hugely beneficial impact in ensuring that the region’s potential is
fully realised.
That includes tackling the problems in the region today - such as
North Korea, where we have played a leading role in securing sanctions
in response to the regime’s outrageous proliferation of nuclear weapons.
And it includes continuing to step up our efforts to respond to the
desperate plight of Rohingyas - brought home to us again on our TV
screens so graphically today, with heart-breaking images of young
children emaciated and pleading for help.
This is a major humanitarian crisis which looks like ethnic
cleansing. And it is something for which the Burmese authorities – and
especially the military – must take full responsibility.
The UK is already the largest donor in response to this crisis. And
we will continue to play a leading role in bringing the international
community together – working through the UN and with regional partners
to do everything possible to stop this appalling and inhuman destruction
of the Rohingya people.
And beyond the immediate challenges of today, we must also invest now
in longer-term security partnerships in Asia, such as those which I
have launched with Japan and India over the last year; and which we will
look to develop further with countries across the region.
Role of business
Lord Mayor, as we look to the future, one of the biggest assets of a
global Britain will be our soft power – and crucially that includes
British business.
Where open markets thrive and the rule of law holds sway, British
companies prosper. And they take in their DNA a way of doing business
that brings not only commercial but wider benefits – of good governance,
respect for the law, corporate and social responsibility.
So as a Global Britain makes its offer to the world, we are also
offering the certainty and the confidence of the high standards you set,
the framework of rules you follow, the values you live by and the ethos
and culture you create.
You are the bearers of a certain idea of economic order upon which
the last century of growth has been based – as I believe the next will
be based.
So you have a vital role to play: to honour the great tradition of
your livery companies by meeting that profound responsibility not just
to do business – but to advance the values, rules and standards on which
good business and global security and prosperity depend.
To champion the deepest trade links and open markets in Europe – and
support a new economic partnership with the EU that will be in all of
our interests to ensure Western strength.
To seek out and secure new markets from the Gulf to East Asia,
driving growth and productivity at home, embodying British dynamism and
expertise aboard, and giving proof to our firmly held faith in open
markets and fair competition as the best route to lasting stability,
security and prosperity.
And I am confident that you can do this.
For while our partners around the world want our support as a global power, they want something else too.
They want what you bring. They want expertise. They want reliable
partners for the long-term. They want the legal services, the
accountancy services and the finance in which this great City of London
leads the world.
Because your engagement and your investments are the ultimate
kitemark of confidence – a signal to the world that a country is a
credible partner and open for business.
Conclusion
So Lord Mayor, these are challenging times. But I am confident that a
global Britain has the ability and, indeed, the responsibility to rise
to the moment.
To work together to secure the best possible Brexit deal; a deal that
is not just good for Britain and good for the EU - but also strengthens
the liberal values we hold dear.
And to work together to adapt and defend the rules based order on which our security and prosperity depends.
For this is fundamental to our success, to that of our partners and that of the world.
So let us step up to the task. And let us do so together – with the confidence and conviction of a truly global Britain.
All the emphasis are mine. Kingsley O. Imobekhai,

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